Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh declared government's intention to fix a quota for the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in the premier government educational institutions like the Indian Institute of Technologies (IITs) and Indian Institute of Managements and other institutions of higher learning. While one know very well the intentions of Arjun Singh and his Congress Party, which was in the forefront of anti-Mandal agitation in 1990, it is important to analyse the nature of protest and fury of the upper castes in India. Why the same upper castes who burnt themselves today keep silent. Whether Arjun Singh and his party is just working on tokenism and refuses to learn lesson that the cry from the Dalit and backward today is political power which has not yet been over despite the fact that they had chief ministers and ministers. The administration remains strongly in the hands of the upper castes.
A Revisit to events in 1990 : A hero became villian
On August 7th, 1990 when Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh announced that his National Front government was going to implement the Mandal Commission Recommendations in Education and jobs, there was not much fury in the beginning. Slowly, a slanderous media campaign was launched particularly to attract circulation. A middle class newspaper like Indian Express and its loud mouth Editor Arun Shourie became mouthpieces of the upper caste contempt to the Dalits and backwards. Shourie, worked not as an ethical journalist but as a hired lawyer who has to defend his case. Upper caste students and their parents went on rampage in North India. Suicide were committed by the innocent students as young as 8 years of age who might not have known what Mandal was and what was the meaning of reservation for the downtrodden. Clearly, two big brahmanical parties of the country, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party used this opportunity to target the government.
Lal Krishna Adavani decided to go on a Rathyatra to unite the Hindu society, which was 'divided' by V.P.Singh and his actions. There was a wave of anti Muslim sentiments in the middle classes. Advani became hero who revived the Hindu society and VP Singh became 'dushman number one' of the upper castes in India. Yes, the prime minister of the popular votes of India became the target number one because of reservations. All his merits became non functional once he ordered the implementation of the Mandal recommendations.
Commentators after commentators condoned the Hindutva and their thugs, their misdeeds and anti national act of spreading hatred and violence but none of them could ever muster the courage to support a prime minister who dared to go ahead against all odds. Yes, one may not agree with VP Singh and his style of politics but one need to see his track record as an efficient minister and an honest Member of Parliament. It was for the first time in history of India that a government fell because it defended a shrine and committed its constitutional duties. Yes, Ayodhya's October 1990 events led to fall of V P Singh government. It is not for nothing that he decided to stay away from the parliamentary politics, disown prime ministership and is persistently being seen with the growing mass struggles in India when the so-called mainstream politicians are busy with their castes, religious sentiments. How many of them come and support Narmada or the cuase of dying farmers. When the slums were being dislocated none of the politicians dared to come out and challenge the court. But these things do not matter for the journalists who have decided that they have to oppose anything, which brings social justice.
V.P.Singh is nowhere in mainstream politics but his Mandalisation process has spread all over. That is the great achievement because the composition of our parliament has changed. Dalits and backward communities are asking for their share in power. The political parties have to listen to them and come to the reality. Today, thanks to Mandalisation process among the Muslims, the one time social justice hero Laloo has to go.
Conspicuous Silence
15 years later when Arjun Singh informs the journalists about the reservation policy, there is not much war by the upper castes though there is resentment by the 'meritorious' industrial houses who run on a monarchical basis. Again, the same talks of merit being affected and non-availability of the students from the backward and Dalit communities. It is amusing how people change their stand. Industrialists like Rahul Bazaz, known for the shameless Hindutva lineage, remarked that reservation in the private sector would damage the credibility of big companies in India. The Bazazs should tell the world why most of the business works in India is done by the Bania community. North East South West, it is the Marwadis and Banias who have captured the major institutions with Brahmin their Gurus. The opponents of reservation should also inform why the scavenging work is fixed for the Valmiki community in India. Why is this 'Intellectual property Right' over certain work while ignoring others. Social scientists should also explain why no other community person is seen as doing scavenging work or carrying night soil over head. This meritorious upper caste would then hang their head in shame.
What is happening is most astonishing and show double standard. In 1990, the Dalits were in the forefront of supporting the Mandal Commission Recommendations meant for the backward communities. Today, a number of 'Dalit' intellectuals, who would like to parade Dalit capitalists in Delhi, are asking for a creamy lawyer theory to implement the Mandal Commission Report. An example is being given here of the lone dissenter why should the dissenter argument be taken into account. Mandal gave a report and government accepted it in toto. A person like S.S. Gill who was member secretary of the Mandal Commission today condemns VP Singh for implementing it with political motivation. It is amusing when commentators write of political motivation. Why should not any work done with political motivation? Did not the backward communities voted for the government? It is also important to analyse as why some of the Dalit intellectuals are crying for fixing quota for the Most Backward Communities (MBCs).
Arun Shourie, who spearheaded anti Mandal agitation through his reckless writings and was later rewarded by the Sangh Parivar for persistently abusing the minorities through his newspaper columns, would never had imagined that Mandal would eat his own party. He might never have foreseen the growing assertion among all communities after it. Why was India burning in 1990 and quiet in 2006.
To be sure, in 1990, the people realized that the government that time was determined to give the Dalits and backward their due share in power. One need not to remind that Ministers like Ram Vilas Paswan and Sharad Yadav had become very powerful proponents of the Mandal Mantra. The government did not stay there only. It was bringing a bill in parliament for labour reform particularly related to labours participation in Management, bill on electoral reform under Dinesh Goswami, autonomy to Prasar Bharati apart from putting Dr Ambedkar's statue in Parliament and honoring him with Bharat Ratna. Every of these acts had loud messages. It is this time that the Buddhists converts got right in job reservations. Mandal in 1990 changed the politics of the country. It gave an unprecedented and lethal weapon for the Dalit backward and Adivasis to come together. Every party had to understand the power of Mandal. Over the years, despite talks of globalisation and Hindutva, Mandalisation process continued. In the process, the upper caste leadership of the Hindutva gangs have to play second fiddle. Right from Uma Bharati to Kalyan Singh and Narendra Modi, caste his forced the Sindhi Lal Krishna Advani to ponder over his own future and he is again on another Yatra, knowing fully well, that he has lost his caste battle. The upper castes are silent and protesting just in front of the cameras. A few papers that do not sale much are again trying to instigate people to protest but those who get everything at home cannot protest. Secondly, they know they have their own government and their opposition. A government which just pretend to work for the Dalits and backward and has no real intention to do so. Most of the people know that in Manmohan Singh's safe hand their interest are safe and would be looked after. After-all, Arjun Singh's own track record for social justice is laughable and his politicization of Ministry of HRD is well known. The tricks of anti Hindutva do not work all the time in the same way as the anti Muslim card of Advani failed miserably.
Why Opposition to reservation for backward communities?
One needs to understand the psychology of opposition to Mandal. Reservation for Dalits was never implemented properly before 1990. Every time it was informed that due to lack of non availability of the candidates, seats remained vacant and quota was filled by the upper caste particularly those close to the people in power or with big bags. The 1990s changed that the backlog has to be filled with the candidates from the same community. Therefore 1990 is a watershed in the history of India and implementing the Mandal Commission Report VP Singh might have become the most hated politician of the country despite his impeccable credentials, yet, the politics of India has changed.
15 years later when Narsimha Rao crookedly with the help of the Hindutva brigade tried to undo what the Mandal had done. He went overboard to implement the privatization process and added fire to the Hindutva. Therefore, both the demolition of Babari Masjid and growing privatization were part of the Narsimha Rao era which some of our pen pushers termed as glorious. One need not to inform the readers here how Narsimha Rao died. Not a single tear was shed for him.
When the jobs are nowhere and everything is gone private, then why are the upper castes angry at reservation for backward communities? The fact is that seats for Dalits were rarely fulfilled and we had seen huge backlog. There has been no protest. It was easier to curtail the protest of the Dalits because of their numbers and social background. Now, the reservation for backward communities being a reality, the powerful backward communities will hit and break the bone of the upper castes. That is the fear of these. They know that there are enough students from these communities who will join the great institutions of technology and managements.
Today, these pen pushers pretend that reservation should only for the Dalits. Similarly, Dalit opportunists also dance to the tone of their brahmanical masters when they condemn reservation for the backward communities. It is a fact that many of the backward communities should not have been there in the list. But that is not a way to justify that there should not be reservation.
Discrimination despite merit
It is completely lie to say that Dalit and backwards are not doing business today or they lack ability. To say that there is no discrimination in India on the basis of caste is again a great lie which only insensitive caste Hindus can tell the whole world. Four years back I investigated a case of a very bright Dalit student Jyoti Prakash Vishwas who passed out from R.K.Mission School in Kolkata and was working as an engineer in a central government public sector company. His Bengali bosses used filthy language against him and suspended him on various charges, which were found absolutely untrue by a team of human rights activists including me. Vishwas was not allowed to join a well paid job in a reputed private company. His wife who was working with Government of West Bengal was not given medical compensation as per company's rule. After our fact-finding report came out, the management tried to strike a cordial note. Vishwas who by then had never knew what exactly was Dalit movement and discrimination realized what is the identity of a bright Dalit scholar. Two Years, when he left Delhi, Vishwas one day send me a mail from Saudi Arabia where he was working as an Engineer. He wrote: "Sir, I thank you for standing with me in my struggle against injustice. I know Dalits would not be able to get justice as long as they are part of Hindu system. I have decided to embrace Islam, a faith which give me strength and inner peace."
Those votaries of 'merit' should understand clearly well that things are not as easy as they think. A few days back when I was in Chhatishgarh and a Dalit student from National Law University Raipur came to me and informed me about the harassment he faced in the University. Despite the fact that he was the only candidate in his course of M.Phil/Ph.D/LLM, it took 3 years for the board of the college to accept his M.Phil and then deny him right for Ph.D. Yes, I talk about Abhishek Priya Anand, a student who completed his M.Sc from Hyderabad and qualified and ranked 8 th in the merit in the National Law college entrance test, today face a caste prejudiced Vice chancellor and his bureaucracy.
Will the Indian merit mongers ever think why they want to shut every door for the Dalits and backward communities? If Dalit converts to other faith, the Hindutva brigade is up in arm against it. There is no reform movement with in Hindu dharma where they can get justice. The jobs, which were reserved for them, have been privatized. Educational institutions rarely fulfill their quota. So demeaning are the upper castes that they are ready to get forged certificate of Dalit quota to get admitted in the University. In Delhi, a prominent doctor of a famous medical college got his MBBS degree on passing an entrance test under the SC quota. He produced a false certificate of adoption by a Dalit father. The fact was that his father's servant happened to be a Dalit. This upper caste doctor used his leverages and asked his servant to 'adopt' him to get admit. A Similar case of admission has been found in Lucknow by a Brahmin girl.
Creamy lawyer theory is dangerous at the moment
Unfortunately, some of the Dalit intellectuals have also jumped in to condemn the quota for the Dalits. These commentators are talking in terms of creamy lawyer theory. Question is let the government first implement the reservation only then creamy lawyer theory could be implemented. If the creamy lawyer theory could be implemented in the Mandal, then the same should be true for the Dalits also. And the same should be true for the upper castes also in the general seats. It is a dangerous preposition. It is a fact that the power elite of a community are the first to get the benefits of education and quota. Did not the Brahmin got it from the upper castes initially? There are so many of them but many of them have little representation in power structure. Same is true about Dalits and backward communities.
Of course, the politics of quota is dangerous. Arjun Singh's intention has been like that of his party. I am sure he know it well that Dalit and backwards are thoroughly politicized and are not going to be just 'vote bank' of any party. They are today running with confidence and asking for a share in power. While the political parties may not have implemented the reservation fully, the Most Backward Communities in Uttar-Pradesh have learnt a lesson from Bihar. The MBCs have already revolted against the political elites of the state and asking for their fair representation in power. Today, power is the real need of the people.
As far as jobs are concern, let the government bring a white paper on reservations and give us ideas as how long will it take it to complete its backlog. When can we see 17.5% IAS officers from Dalits, 27.5% from backward communities and 7.5% from tribal? Once the government fulfill its promise we can think of new ideas to give representation to MBCs and oppressed Dalits particularly women from these sections of society.
Reforms mean debrahmanising India
In a welfare state, the government cannot shy away from implementing reforms. Where are government reform for land, forest and water? If reform mean giving precious national assets to a few cronies of the power elites then the government has to be ready to face protest of various forms. Reform means that the government demolish its brahmanical structure. Reform truly mean debrahmanisation process of India. It means India's corrupt caste structured village structure is hit from below the belt. For that a strong land reform measures need to be carried out. Our corrupt and caste-iests Industrial magnets are not ready for the same therefore face resistance from the people. Reform means that the upper castes should learn that time for hegemony has gone and it is time they learn to live together and respect diversity of India. Reservation are going to stay as long as government does not reform itself and Hindu system remain caged in the age old myopic vision of division of work based on caste. Let us truly reform our society and work for a truly democratic India where every community participates in power and every person go to school irrespective of caste and creed.
Saturday, February 20, 2010
Southern record
ENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN, T.S. SUBRAMANIAN,
K. VENKATESWARALU, RAVI SHARMA & DIONNE BUNSHA
South India has an enviable history of reservation in education.
THE controversy over the proposed Bill to introduce reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBC) in educational institutions has been characterised by a number of arguments against he proposal.
Broadly, they have been that "reservation militates against merit and excellence” and that it harms "the interests of other communities, especially the economically weaker sections among the upper castes". There is also the fervent contention that the system of reservations does not actually help the weaker sections among the OBCs and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (S.C. and S.T.)
Since the benefits are cornered by the affluent among them. The sum total of the arguments is that reservations in institutions of higher, professional education such as the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) would be nothing short of a sociological disaster.
Ironically, this line of reasoning has been most vehemently advanced from regions that have no real or concrete exposure to reservation in the education sector. This includes the majority of North Indian States. In contrast, in the four South Indian States as well as in Maharashtra and Gujarat, which have had varying degrees of experience in this regard, the opposition is marginal or absolutely nil. The overwhelming opinion among people in these States, and even in "excellence-pursuing" academic circles, supports the principle and practice of reservation. More important, the system seems to have got so embedded in the education sector in almost all these States that the reaction is notably balanced.
All these States have had to go through periods of turbulence on this question before acquiring the balance. Social activists and vast sections of the academia in these States, therefore, refute the arguments put forward to oppose reservation. A quick appraisal conducted by Frontline correspondents in these States, in the wake of the recent controversy, reiterated this.
The concept of reservation in education for historically oppressed sections of society took
roots in South India over a century ago, along wit h the freedom movement. That a number of initiatives associated with the freedom struggle in this region had their lineage in the social reform movement against caste discrimination. According to B.R.P. Bhaskar, a veteran journalist and social analyst, this social reform lineage is a significant factor that differentiates between regions and societies that understand and support the concept of reservation for social justice and oppose it.
This concept was first advanced by Tamil Nadu, where the social and political assertion of OBCs and other deprived sections led to the creation of the powerful Dravidian movement. Reservation in education and public service began in the Madras Presidency (much of it is now in Tamil Nadu) as early as 1831. The British Raj initiated this in response to petitions from various public groups. Over the next few decades the provisions of reservation were progressively redefined and modified, correcting anomalies and rationalising affirmative action.
The process continued after Independence too and successive governments under the leadership of Dravidian parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) introduced "rationalising" classifications like "economic scale" and Most Backward Castes (MBCs). The sum total of these measures was that reservation in the educational institutions in Tamil Nadu rose to 69 per cent, a figure commensurate with the total population of S.C.s, S.T.s, OBCs and MBCs in the State.
Tamil Nadu had 69 per cent reservation even before the Mandal Commission recommendations, promoting 27 per cent reservation for OBCs, were introduced at the national level. In this context, the Supreme Court came up with a stipulation seeking to limit reservation in educational institutions to 50 per cent. This order was a result of efforts by a number of anti-reservation organisations and individuals trying to bring down the reservation quota in Tamil Nadu. But the cumulative initiatives taken by various governments led by the Dravidian parties successfully resisted these counter-moves. The net result of all this is that since 1994, Tamil Nadu's 69 per cent reservation has the sanction of being part of the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution and hence is beyond judicial scrutiny. Equally important, the reservation system has the near-total support of the entire political spectrum of the State, barring a few fundamentalist Hindutva organisations.
The Tamil Nadu experience is reflected in the quota system in Karnataka and Kerala. Both these States had initiated reservations in the education sector for OBCs in the late 19th century or early 20th century, with periodic revisions and modifications.
Reservation in education was initiated by the princely states of Travancore, Kochi and Mysore under the British Raj with widespread popular support. The tradition, naturally, helped imbibe schemes such as Mandal Commission recommendations as positive measures to advance social justice. According to Professor Ravivarma Kumar, former Chairman of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes (KSCBC), "children in Karnataka are taught from the very beginning that reservation is very much part of the social justice system, so they learn to live with it".
In Andhra Pradesh as also in Maharashtra and Gujarat, the process started relatively late.
In Andhra Pradesh, it was initiated in the 1970s while in Gujarat and Maharashtra, the schemes were formalised in the 1980s and 1990s.
At present, Karnataka has 50 per cent reservation - 32 per cent for OBCs and 18 per cent for S.C.s and S.T.s - in all institutes of higher learning. According to Ravivarma Kumar, from 1992 to 2002, over 25,000 OBC students were able to gain admission to professional colleges in Karnataka thanks to this. Kerala has approximately 50 per cent reservation for its OBC, S.C. and S.T. populations, while Andhra Pradesh has 49.5 per cent reservation.
A number of "well-known experiences" over the past few decades in these States challenge the contentions against reservation. The life and career of former Karnataka Chief Minister and Congress leader M. Veerappa Moily is evidence of how reservation helped a family from a socially marginalised community come up the ladder of society. Moily maintains that but for reservation he would not have come up in life. He recounted to Frontline how, during the first two years of his undergraduate course, he lagged behind and after that became the class topper. "We have to have an inclusive society. The IIMs can't become islands for the privileged. If this quota system is crude, let educationalists re-engineer and restructure it," he commented.
Well-known writer and social analyst Professor Kancha Ilaiah, who is a faculty member of the Political Science Department of Osmania University, and T. Devender Goud, former Andhra Pradesh Home Minister and a senior leader of the Telugu Desam Party, support Moily's views. Prof. Ilaiah said that but for reservation, OBC members would have been living in the medieval age. Goud pointed out: "It is because of reservation people like me could make a mark." The TDP leader added that in all the four south Indian States, various OBC communities have registered a steady rise in education and social status.
Commenting on the merit versus reservation debate,
Dr. M. Anandakrishnan, Chairman, Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS), pointed out that the assumption that reservation per se would lead to an erosion of excellence and quality was based on insufficient evidence. Anandakrishnan, who is a former Vice-Chancellor of Anna University, Chennai, said it was erroneous to argue that those who came under reservation were generally incompetent and could not cope with the level of performance expected in the IITs and the IIMs. He added that the reservation issue had been dealt with as an emotional one and was being unnecessarily politicised. "Reservation existed in many well-known universities in India, including those in Tamil Nadu such as Anna, Bharathidasan and Tiruchi universities and Osmania and Andhra universities in Andhra Pradesh. Yet the quality or prestige of these universities has not been vitiated," he said.
Anandakrishnan argued that it would be a fallacy to imagine that OBC communities cannot throw up sufficient number of bright students to fill up their quotas in institutions of higher education. He said: "Assuming that 5,000 students were to be admitted to the IITs every year and 27 per cent reservation was made for students belonging to OBCs, it would work out to 1,350 seats for the OBCs. The number of IIT aspirants from the OBC communities is about one lakh. You cannot say that out of this 1,00,000, there will not be 1,350 candidates competent enough to get into the IITs." The academician also pointed out that there is not much difference in the failure rates between the open category and the reserved category of students. "In fact, my experience as the Vice-Chancellor of Anna University showed that those who come under the reserved category tend to put an extra effort to perform better because they think that this is a rare opportunity for their upward social mobility and economic security," Anandakrishnan emphasised.
The MIDS Chairman is of the view that the urge to preserve brand-named educational institutions as ivory towers on the argument that their quality would be diluted by reservation is similar to the historical social anomaly that sought to ban temple entry for lower castes on the argument that temples would be desecrated if they were thrown open to them. No temple was desecrated after it was thrown open to them, he remarked.
Professor Anil K. Gupta, Chair Professor of Entrepreneurship, IIM-Ahmedabad, is of the view that the construct of merit in many of the merit versus intellect debates is in terms of proficiency in the English langua ge. "This is an absolutely gratuitous term of reference, which fails to understand real merit," he said. Gupta added that in the context of this debate, one needs to take into consideration the fact that 60 to 70 per cent of those who win National Innovation Foundation Awards are school dropouts.
Prof. Ilaiah perceived the Merit versus Reservation argument as a kind of conspiracy by certain sections of the upper castes to make institutions such as the IITs and the IIMs the exclusive preserve of the English-knowing social elites. He also pointed out that, at the socio-political level, the South Indian States are credited with democracy that is more functional and economies that are better performing, despite the high level of reservation.
"In a way, it is all because of reservation. After all, if the economy does well, whom do you sell your products to? It has to be to Dalits, OBCs and minorities. Only after the blacks were given equal opportunities did the American economy witness a boom. You have to make the deprived sections share power and become partners in progress," Prof. Illaiah said.
There is also nuanced criticism of some aspects of the system.
According to Prof. G.K. Karanth, head of the Bangalore-based Centre for Study of Social Change and Development of the Institute for Social and Economic Change, there is no point in making available higher education without creating the path to get there: "The State governments by insisting that the medium of instruction should be in the mother tongue, confines the students to a local world. Later they are not able to communicate. They might have a degree but no employment." Karanth is of the view that reservation is benefiting only a few OBCs, especially the urban rich, the urban-educated and second-generation beneficiaries: "With people devising so many ways to earn money, the sense of social deprivation is not proportionate to the economic deprivation. We have been able to deny Public Distribution System benefits to those above the poverty line, but we have not been able to devise a foolproof method to remove creamy layer OBCs from the reservation list."
Professor Gupta emphasised the need to have compulsory universal primary education if measures such as reservation in institutions of higher education have to go beyond window-dressing. According to Achyut Yagnik, social activist and writer, there are many nomadic tribes, denotified tribes and even religious minorities in Gujarat who have problems in gaining access to even primary education. "There are 20 Muslim communities on the OBC list in Gujarat but they find it difficult to get even certificates from the bureaucracy," he pointed out.
Dr. P. Radhakrishnan, a Professor at the MIDS, is apprehensive that the relevance of the constitutional provisions on vital public issues such as reservation is in danger because of judicial delays and the tendency of politicians to manipulate constitutional provisions in some way or the other.
In spite of these concerns, the overall social atmosphere in States exposed to reservation is one of support. As B.R.P. Bhaskar points out, a number of historical, social and political factors have contributed to the general support in these States and the frenzied opposition in some other parts of the country.
"The social reform movement and the demands for reservation in these areas, especially in the southern States, had come up along with a general reform movement and the national liberation movement in the late 19th century and the early 20th century. It was a period of democratic aspirations and social churning, and one could see reform movements of all communities helping one another. The leaders of the Brahmin reform movement supported those who advocated reforms among OBCs, and both joined hands to lend a voice of solidarity to those who led a reform movement in the Muslim community," Bhaskar said.
Unfortunately, that climate no longer exists, particularly in those areas where movements against caste discrimination and oppression did not develop along with the general reform movement, he lamented. In fact, he added, at present we do not seem to have the socio-economic conditions to discuss the reservation issue objectively owing to widespread unemployment. He noted: "The competition for jobs is intense and many think that reservation divests their opportunities, little realizing the negative impact of historical social subjugation and oppression of the disadvantaged sections and the need to rectify such negative impact."
Courtesy:http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505006400800.htm
K. VENKATESWARALU, RAVI SHARMA & DIONNE BUNSHA
South India has an enviable history of reservation in education.
THE controversy over the proposed Bill to introduce reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBC) in educational institutions has been characterised by a number of arguments against he proposal.
Broadly, they have been that "reservation militates against merit and excellence” and that it harms "the interests of other communities, especially the economically weaker sections among the upper castes". There is also the fervent contention that the system of reservations does not actually help the weaker sections among the OBCs and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (S.C. and S.T.)
Since the benefits are cornered by the affluent among them. The sum total of the arguments is that reservations in institutions of higher, professional education such as the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) would be nothing short of a sociological disaster.
Ironically, this line of reasoning has been most vehemently advanced from regions that have no real or concrete exposure to reservation in the education sector. This includes the majority of North Indian States. In contrast, in the four South Indian States as well as in Maharashtra and Gujarat, which have had varying degrees of experience in this regard, the opposition is marginal or absolutely nil. The overwhelming opinion among people in these States, and even in "excellence-pursuing" academic circles, supports the principle and practice of reservation. More important, the system seems to have got so embedded in the education sector in almost all these States that the reaction is notably balanced.
All these States have had to go through periods of turbulence on this question before acquiring the balance. Social activists and vast sections of the academia in these States, therefore, refute the arguments put forward to oppose reservation. A quick appraisal conducted by Frontline correspondents in these States, in the wake of the recent controversy, reiterated this.
The concept of reservation in education for historically oppressed sections of society took
roots in South India over a century ago, along wit h the freedom movement. That a number of initiatives associated with the freedom struggle in this region had their lineage in the social reform movement against caste discrimination. According to B.R.P. Bhaskar, a veteran journalist and social analyst, this social reform lineage is a significant factor that differentiates between regions and societies that understand and support the concept of reservation for social justice and oppose it.
This concept was first advanced by Tamil Nadu, where the social and political assertion of OBCs and other deprived sections led to the creation of the powerful Dravidian movement. Reservation in education and public service began in the Madras Presidency (much of it is now in Tamil Nadu) as early as 1831. The British Raj initiated this in response to petitions from various public groups. Over the next few decades the provisions of reservation were progressively redefined and modified, correcting anomalies and rationalising affirmative action.
The process continued after Independence too and successive governments under the leadership of Dravidian parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the
All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) introduced "rationalising" classifications like "economic scale" and Most Backward Castes (MBCs). The sum total of these measures was that reservation in the educational institutions in Tamil Nadu rose to 69 per cent, a figure commensurate with the total population of S.C.s, S.T.s, OBCs and MBCs in the State.
Tamil Nadu had 69 per cent reservation even before the Mandal Commission recommendations, promoting 27 per cent reservation for OBCs, were introduced at the national level. In this context, the Supreme Court came up with a stipulation seeking to limit reservation in educational institutions to 50 per cent. This order was a result of efforts by a number of anti-reservation organisations and individuals trying to bring down the reservation quota in Tamil Nadu. But the cumulative initiatives taken by various governments led by the Dravidian parties successfully resisted these counter-moves. The net result of all this is that since 1994, Tamil Nadu's 69 per cent reservation has the sanction of being part of the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution and hence is beyond judicial scrutiny. Equally important, the reservation system has the near-total support of the entire political spectrum of the State, barring a few fundamentalist Hindutva organisations.
The Tamil Nadu experience is reflected in the quota system in Karnataka and Kerala. Both these States had initiated reservations in the education sector for OBCs in the late 19th century or early 20th century, with periodic revisions and modifications.
Reservation in education was initiated by the princely states of Travancore, Kochi and Mysore under the British Raj with widespread popular support. The tradition, naturally, helped imbibe schemes such as Mandal Commission recommendations as positive measures to advance social justice. According to Professor Ravivarma Kumar, former Chairman of the Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes (KSCBC), "children in Karnataka are taught from the very beginning that reservation is very much part of the social justice system, so they learn to live with it".
In Andhra Pradesh as also in Maharashtra and Gujarat, the process started relatively late.
In Andhra Pradesh, it was initiated in the 1970s while in Gujarat and Maharashtra, the schemes were formalised in the 1980s and 1990s.
At present, Karnataka has 50 per cent reservation - 32 per cent for OBCs and 18 per cent for S.C.s and S.T.s - in all institutes of higher learning. According to Ravivarma Kumar, from 1992 to 2002, over 25,000 OBC students were able to gain admission to professional colleges in Karnataka thanks to this. Kerala has approximately 50 per cent reservation for its OBC, S.C. and S.T. populations, while Andhra Pradesh has 49.5 per cent reservation.
A number of "well-known experiences" over the past few decades in these States challenge the contentions against reservation. The life and career of former Karnataka Chief Minister and Congress leader M. Veerappa Moily is evidence of how reservation helped a family from a socially marginalised community come up the ladder of society. Moily maintains that but for reservation he would not have come up in life. He recounted to Frontline how, during the first two years of his undergraduate course, he lagged behind and after that became the class topper. "We have to have an inclusive society. The IIMs can't become islands for the privileged. If this quota system is crude, let educationalists re-engineer and restructure it," he commented.
Well-known writer and social analyst Professor Kancha Ilaiah, who is a faculty member of the Political Science Department of Osmania University, and T. Devender Goud, former Andhra Pradesh Home Minister and a senior leader of the Telugu Desam Party, support Moily's views. Prof. Ilaiah said that but for reservation, OBC members would have been living in the medieval age. Goud pointed out: "It is because of reservation people like me could make a mark." The TDP leader added that in all the four south Indian States, various OBC communities have registered a steady rise in education and social status.
Commenting on the merit versus reservation debate,
Dr. M. Anandakrishnan, Chairman, Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS), pointed out that the assumption that reservation per se would lead to an erosion of excellence and quality was based on insufficient evidence. Anandakrishnan, who is a former Vice-Chancellor of Anna University, Chennai, said it was erroneous to argue that those who came under reservation were generally incompetent and could not cope with the level of performance expected in the IITs and the IIMs. He added that the reservation issue had been dealt with as an emotional one and was being unnecessarily politicised. "Reservation existed in many well-known universities in India, including those in Tamil Nadu such as Anna, Bharathidasan and Tiruchi universities and Osmania and Andhra universities in Andhra Pradesh. Yet the quality or prestige of these universities has not been vitiated," he said.
Anandakrishnan argued that it would be a fallacy to imagine that OBC communities cannot throw up sufficient number of bright students to fill up their quotas in institutions of higher education. He said: "Assuming that 5,000 students were to be admitted to the IITs every year and 27 per cent reservation was made for students belonging to OBCs, it would work out to 1,350 seats for the OBCs. The number of IIT aspirants from the OBC communities is about one lakh. You cannot say that out of this 1,00,000, there will not be 1,350 candidates competent enough to get into the IITs." The academician also pointed out that there is not much difference in the failure rates between the open category and the reserved category of students. "In fact, my experience as the Vice-Chancellor of Anna University showed that those who come under the reserved category tend to put an extra effort to perform better because they think that this is a rare opportunity for their upward social mobility and economic security," Anandakrishnan emphasised.
The MIDS Chairman is of the view that the urge to preserve brand-named educational institutions as ivory towers on the argument that their quality would be diluted by reservation is similar to the historical social anomaly that sought to ban temple entry for lower castes on the argument that temples would be desecrated if they were thrown open to them. No temple was desecrated after it was thrown open to them, he remarked.
Professor Anil K. Gupta, Chair Professor of Entrepreneurship, IIM-Ahmedabad, is of the view that the construct of merit in many of the merit versus intellect debates is in terms of proficiency in the English langua ge. "This is an absolutely gratuitous term of reference, which fails to understand real merit," he said. Gupta added that in the context of this debate, one needs to take into consideration the fact that 60 to 70 per cent of those who win National Innovation Foundation Awards are school dropouts.
Prof. Ilaiah perceived the Merit versus Reservation argument as a kind of conspiracy by certain sections of the upper castes to make institutions such as the IITs and the IIMs the exclusive preserve of the English-knowing social elites. He also pointed out that, at the socio-political level, the South Indian States are credited with democracy that is more functional and economies that are better performing, despite the high level of reservation.
"In a way, it is all because of reservation. After all, if the economy does well, whom do you sell your products to? It has to be to Dalits, OBCs and minorities. Only after the blacks were given equal opportunities did the American economy witness a boom. You have to make the deprived sections share power and become partners in progress," Prof. Illaiah said.
There is also nuanced criticism of some aspects of the system.
According to Prof. G.K. Karanth, head of the Bangalore-based Centre for Study of Social Change and Development of the Institute for Social and Economic Change, there is no point in making available higher education without creating the path to get there: "The State governments by insisting that the medium of instruction should be in the mother tongue, confines the students to a local world. Later they are not able to communicate. They might have a degree but no employment." Karanth is of the view that reservation is benefiting only a few OBCs, especially the urban rich, the urban-educated and second-generation beneficiaries: "With people devising so many ways to earn money, the sense of social deprivation is not proportionate to the economic deprivation. We have been able to deny Public Distribution System benefits to those above the poverty line, but we have not been able to devise a foolproof method to remove creamy layer OBCs from the reservation list."
Professor Gupta emphasised the need to have compulsory universal primary education if measures such as reservation in institutions of higher education have to go beyond window-dressing. According to Achyut Yagnik, social activist and writer, there are many nomadic tribes, denotified tribes and even religious minorities in Gujarat who have problems in gaining access to even primary education. "There are 20 Muslim communities on the OBC list in Gujarat but they find it difficult to get even certificates from the bureaucracy," he pointed out.
Dr. P. Radhakrishnan, a Professor at the MIDS, is apprehensive that the relevance of the constitutional provisions on vital public issues such as reservation is in danger because of judicial delays and the tendency of politicians to manipulate constitutional provisions in some way or the other.
In spite of these concerns, the overall social atmosphere in States exposed to reservation is one of support. As B.R.P. Bhaskar points out, a number of historical, social and political factors have contributed to the general support in these States and the frenzied opposition in some other parts of the country.
"The social reform movement and the demands for reservation in these areas, especially in the southern States, had come up along with a general reform movement and the national liberation movement in the late 19th century and the early 20th century. It was a period of democratic aspirations and social churning, and one could see reform movements of all communities helping one another. The leaders of the Brahmin reform movement supported those who advocated reforms among OBCs, and both joined hands to lend a voice of solidarity to those who led a reform movement in the Muslim community," Bhaskar said.
Unfortunately, that climate no longer exists, particularly in those areas where movements against caste discrimination and oppression did not develop along with the general reform movement, he lamented. In fact, he added, at present we do not seem to have the socio-economic conditions to discuss the reservation issue objectively owing to widespread unemployment. He noted: "The competition for jobs is intense and many think that reservation divests their opportunities, little realizing the negative impact of historical social subjugation and oppression of the disadvantaged sections and the need to rectify such negative impact."
Courtesy:http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20060505006400800.htm
Upper castes dominate national media, says survey in Delhi
"No Dalit or Adivasi among top 300 journalists"
? Hindu upper caste men hold 71 per cent of top jobs
? Muslims account for only three per cent among key decision-makers
New Delhi: In the first-ever statistical analysis of its kind, a survey of the social profile of more than 300 senior journalists in 37 Hindi and English newspapers and television channels in the capital has found that "Hindu upper caste men" — who form eight percent of the country's population — hold 71 per cent of the top jobs in the national media. Women, non-upper castes, and Muslims are grossly under-represented in relation to their share in the population.
The survey notes that Dalits and Adivasis "are conspicuous by their absence among the decision- makers. Not even one of the 315 key decision-makers belonged to the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes."
The survey was designed and executed by Anil Chamaria, freelance journalist, Jitendra Kumar from the Media Study Group and Yogendra Yadav, senior fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).
If men and women are taken together, the share of upper caste Hindus or `dwijas' in the upper echelons of the media is 85 per cent. These castes account for 16 per cent of the national population.
Brahmins alone, the survey found, hold 49 per cent of the top jobs in national journalism. If non-`dwija' forward castes like Marathas, Patels, Jats and Reddys are added, the total forward caste share stands at 88 per cent.
In contrast, OBCs, who are estimated to constitute around 40 per cent of the population, account for an "abysmally low" four per cent of top media jobs. In the English print media, OBCs account for just one per cent of top jobs and in the Hindi print media eight per cent. Muslims too, the survey noted, are "severely under-represented in the national media": they account for only three per cent among the key decision makers in the national media, compared with 13.4 per cent in the country's population. Muslims do better in the Hindi electronic media, forming six per cent of key decisionmakers.
In the English electronic media, the survey found there were no Muslims at the senior- most levels in Delhi. Christians, however, are proportionately represented in the media (mainly in the English media). Their share is about four per cent compared with their population share of 2.3 per cent.
2.Doubly disadvantaged sections of the population, such as women Other Backward Classes or backward caste Muslims and Christians, are nearly absent among the key decision-makers. The survey, for example, found that there was not a single OBC woman among the 315 journalists enumerated.
Gender balance
When it comes to gender balance, the English electronic media does best, with women accounting for 32 per cent of the top jobs. Women account for 16 per cent of top editorial positions in the English print media and 14 per cent and 11 per cent in the Hindi print media and electronic media. Explaining the survey methodology, Yogendra Yadav said details of designation, age, religion, caste, gender, mother tongue, and domicile of up to a maximum of 10 key decision- makers from 37 `national' media organisations were collected on a standard pro-forma between May 30 and June 3, 2006. In most cases, the data were generated by journalists from within each newspaper or television channel being surveyed. But he cautioned that the data might still contain some errors.
Courtesy: http://www.hindu.com/2006/06/05/stories/2006060504981400.htm
? Hindu upper caste men hold 71 per cent of top jobs
? Muslims account for only three per cent among key decision-makers
New Delhi: In the first-ever statistical analysis of its kind, a survey of the social profile of more than 300 senior journalists in 37 Hindi and English newspapers and television channels in the capital has found that "Hindu upper caste men" — who form eight percent of the country's population — hold 71 per cent of the top jobs in the national media. Women, non-upper castes, and Muslims are grossly under-represented in relation to their share in the population.
The survey notes that Dalits and Adivasis "are conspicuous by their absence among the decision- makers. Not even one of the 315 key decision-makers belonged to the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes."
The survey was designed and executed by Anil Chamaria, freelance journalist, Jitendra Kumar from the Media Study Group and Yogendra Yadav, senior fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).
If men and women are taken together, the share of upper caste Hindus or `dwijas' in the upper echelons of the media is 85 per cent. These castes account for 16 per cent of the national population.
Brahmins alone, the survey found, hold 49 per cent of the top jobs in national journalism. If non-`dwija' forward castes like Marathas, Patels, Jats and Reddys are added, the total forward caste share stands at 88 per cent.
In contrast, OBCs, who are estimated to constitute around 40 per cent of the population, account for an "abysmally low" four per cent of top media jobs. In the English print media, OBCs account for just one per cent of top jobs and in the Hindi print media eight per cent. Muslims too, the survey noted, are "severely under-represented in the national media": they account for only three per cent among the key decision makers in the national media, compared with 13.4 per cent in the country's population. Muslims do better in the Hindi electronic media, forming six per cent of key decisionmakers.
In the English electronic media, the survey found there were no Muslims at the senior- most levels in Delhi. Christians, however, are proportionately represented in the media (mainly in the English media). Their share is about four per cent compared with their population share of 2.3 per cent.
2.Doubly disadvantaged sections of the population, such as women Other Backward Classes or backward caste Muslims and Christians, are nearly absent among the key decision-makers. The survey, for example, found that there was not a single OBC woman among the 315 journalists enumerated.
Gender balance
When it comes to gender balance, the English electronic media does best, with women accounting for 32 per cent of the top jobs. Women account for 16 per cent of top editorial positions in the English print media and 14 per cent and 11 per cent in the Hindi print media and electronic media. Explaining the survey methodology, Yogendra Yadav said details of designation, age, religion, caste, gender, mother tongue, and domicile of up to a maximum of 10 key decision- makers from 37 `national' media organisations were collected on a standard pro-forma between May 30 and June 3, 2006. In most cases, the data were generated by journalists from within each newspaper or television channel being surveyed. But he cautioned that the data might still contain some errors.
Courtesy: http://www.hindu.com/2006/06/05/stories/2006060504981400.htm
Thursday, February 18, 2010
Tuesday, February 16, 2010
Reservation in IIT 2009 & OBC Cutoff
18% of the total no. of seats in IIT Bombay, Kanpur, Kharagpur, Madras, Delhi, Rorkee and Guwahati; IT-BHU, Varanasi and ISMU, Dhanbad are reserved for OBC candidates belonging to non-creamy layer.
Eligible students in the OBC category will, however, need to certify that they do not belong to the creamy layer. And for the purpose of uniformity in admission, a central list of OBCs will be drawn up for reference of the institutions. OBC candidates belonging to Non-creamy layer will be required to produce the original certificate issued on or after January 1, 2009 by a competent authority in the prescribed format. The certificates must be produced at the time of counselling, failing which they will be treated as belonging to the General (GE) category.
In the three new IITs — Bihar, Rajasthan and Hyderabad — the total intake of students will be 120 each which means that there will be 27% reservation for OBCs and 22.5 % for SC/ST candidates.
To make room for candidates from the OBC quota, these institutes will earmark 9 per cent of the total seats for them and increase the overall number of seats by 13 per cent from the present academic year.The percentage of seats will be gradually increased to attain 27 per cent OBC reservation by Joint Entrance Exam (JEE) 2010.
OBC Cutoff
The cutoff for OBC students will be 90 per cent of the cut-off of general category students in the JEE 2008 examination.
reservation for SC/ST Candidates in each IIT, IT-BHU, Varanasi and ISM Dhanbad.
Seat reservation for SC candidates – 15%
Seat reservation for ST candidates – 7.5%
Candidates belonging to these categories are admitted on the basis of a relaxed criterion as defined in Section 10.
Persons with Physical Disability (PD)
3% seats are reserved for candidates with physical disability who are otherwise fit to pursue the course, and qualify JEE (with relaxed norms defined in Section 10).
Category of disability:
Preferential Allotment of Seats (DS Category)
Two seats are available for preferential allotment of courses in each institute for children of defense/paramilitary personnel killed or permanently disabled in action during war or peace-time operations (DS category).
Eligible students in the OBC category will, however, need to certify that they do not belong to the creamy layer. And for the purpose of uniformity in admission, a central list of OBCs will be drawn up for reference of the institutions. OBC candidates belonging to Non-creamy layer will be required to produce the original certificate issued on or after January 1, 2009 by a competent authority in the prescribed format. The certificates must be produced at the time of counselling, failing which they will be treated as belonging to the General (GE) category.
In the three new IITs — Bihar, Rajasthan and Hyderabad — the total intake of students will be 120 each which means that there will be 27% reservation for OBCs and 22.5 % for SC/ST candidates.
To make room for candidates from the OBC quota, these institutes will earmark 9 per cent of the total seats for them and increase the overall number of seats by 13 per cent from the present academic year.The percentage of seats will be gradually increased to attain 27 per cent OBC reservation by Joint Entrance Exam (JEE) 2010.
OBC Cutoff
The cutoff for OBC students will be 90 per cent of the cut-off of general category students in the JEE 2008 examination.
reservation for SC/ST Candidates in each IIT, IT-BHU, Varanasi and ISM Dhanbad.
Seat reservation for SC candidates – 15%
Seat reservation for ST candidates – 7.5%
Candidates belonging to these categories are admitted on the basis of a relaxed criterion as defined in Section 10.
Persons with Physical Disability (PD)
3% seats are reserved for candidates with physical disability who are otherwise fit to pursue the course, and qualify JEE (with relaxed norms defined in Section 10).
Category of disability:
- locomotor
- visual
- speech
- hearing
- leprosy cured
Preferential Allotment of Seats (DS Category)
Two seats are available for preferential allotment of courses in each institute for children of defense/paramilitary personnel killed or permanently disabled in action during war or peace-time operations (DS category).
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